It's important to remember that the multiculturalism policy in Canada was not initially intended for non-European immigrants. It was initially demanded by, and designed for, white ethnic groups-particularly Ukrainians, Poles, Finns, Germans, Dutch, and Jews. And it was demanded under very specific conditions-namely, as a reaction to the rise of Québécois nationalism and the political reforms adopted to accommodate it. In response to growing Québécois nationalism in the early 1960s, including the rise of a separatist movement within Québec, the federal government undertook a series of reforms aimed at enhancing the status of the French language, making the federal government genuinely bilingual, and increasing the representation of francophones in the civil service. More generally, the federal government sought to re-emphasize Canada's "duality": to re-emphasize the equality of English and French as the "founding nations" and to reaffirm "bilingualism and biculturalism." Understandably, white ethnic groups were nervous about all of this talk about "duality," "two founding nations," and "bilingualism and biculturalism," which seemed to render ethnic groups invisible. They worried that government funds and civil service positions would be parcelled out between British and French, leaving immigrant/ethnic groups on the margins. The white ethnics insisted that the accommodation of Québec not be done at their expense, and that any strengthening of linguistic duality therefore be accompanied by recognition of ethnic diversity. The formula which gradually emerged-multiculturalism within a bilingual framework-was essentially a bargain to ensure white ethnic support for the more urgent task of accommodating Québec. (And indeed it has proven to be a very stable bargain.)15 14 See Rogers Brubaker, "The return of assimilation?" Ethnic and Racial Studies 24 (July 2001): 531-548; also Stephen Castles, "Migration, Citizenship, and Education," in James Banks, ed., Diversity and Citizenship Education: Global Perepectives (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2004); Hans Entzinger, "The rise and fall of multiculturalism in the Netherlands," in Christian Joppke and Ewa Morawska, eds., Toward Assimilation and Citizenship: Immigrants in Liberal Nation-States (London: Palgrave 2003), 59-86; and Les Backet, al, "New labour's white heart: politics, multiculturalism and the return of assimilation," Political Quarterly 72 (October 2002): 445-454. 20 For examples of this institutional embedding of multiculturalism in a range of public institutions in Canada, see, on the media, Dorothy Zolf, "Comparisons of multicultural broadcasting in Canada and four other countries," Canadian Ethnic Studies 21, no. 2 (1989): 13-26; on the arts, Peter Li, "A world apart: the multicultural world of visible minorities and the art world of Canada," Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 31, (November 1994): 365-391; on schools, Sarah Wayland, "Religious expression in public schools: kirpans in Canada; hijab in France," Ethnic and Racial Studies 20, (July 1997): 545-561; on municipal government, the Federation of Canadian Municipalities, "Dealing with diversity: multicultural access to local government," race relations series #2, municipal race relations program, Toronto, 1988; on health care, Mclnnis Consulting, "Multicultural change in health services delivery project: final report," Ministry Responsible for Multiculturalism and Immigration, Government of British Columbia, Vancouver, 1997; and, on urban planning, Mohammad Qadeer, "Pluralistic planning for multicultural cities: the Canadian experience," Journal of the American Planning Association 63, (September 1997): 481-494.